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本溪市金山医院院长是谁ask晚报本溪市康宁医院在线

2019年08月21日 13:34:32
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Several studies show that the high caffeine content in energy drinks appears to pose a danger to heart health, negatively affecting heartbeat and blood pressure.几项研究表明,能量饮料中的高咖啡因含量似乎会对心脏健康构成危险,对心跳和血压产生负面影响。The high levels of caffeine in addition to other chemicals commonly used in energy drinks can lead to abnormal heart rhythms and other cardiovascular events, 能量饮料中的高含量咖啡因和其它通常使用的化学物质可能会导致心脏跳动不规律以及其他心血管事件,according to doctors at the University of Florida in a case study recently published in the Journal of Addiction Medicine.这是根据佛罗里达大学的医生最近发表在《成瘾医学杂志》上的案例研究。译文属。201608/458324本溪二院是公办的吗本溪县医院收费标准Oil and gas油气The cruel sea残酷之海The government tries to block a Russian investment in the North Sea政府试图阻止俄罗斯在北海投资THE business climate in Britains oil and gas industry is as daunting as the winter weather in the North Sea. Even before the oil-price fall last year, elderly fields were depleting fast and new finds were scarce. The regulatory regime favours the existing owners of platforms and pipelines and deters newcomers. Now the industry, which employs 450,000 people and pays almost 5 billion (7.7 billion) in taxes a year, faces the worst outlook in 40 years. Exploration has slowed sharply; job losses are rising.英国油气工业的商业环境正如北海的冬日气候一样令人生畏。即使是在去年油价下降之前,老油田的资源也在快速减少,新开发的油田又屈指可数。管理制度对现存油气平台和管道的业主予以厚待,却使新来者望之却步。如今这拥有450,000雇员、每年缴纳近50亿英镑(77亿美元)的行业面临着40年来最糟的前景。油田探寻速度急速放缓,失业率正在上升。So one might think that a wealthy foreign investor would be welcome. LetterOne, a Luxembourg-based investment fund run by Mikhail Fridman, a Russian tycoon, this week paid 5.1 billion (3.6 billion, 5.6 billion) to buy 12 oil- and gasfields belonging to RWE, an ailing German energy conglomerate, with the possibility of more investment to come. But the British government is trying to force Mr Fridman to sell the assets to a third party. Future sanctions imposed by America on Russia could, it fears, stop operations, entailing economic losses or safety risks.因此人们也许认为富有的国外投资者将受到欢迎。俄罗斯大亨米哈伊尔·弗里德曼在卢森堡运营着一个名为LetterOne的投资基金会,该基金会本周出资51亿欧元(36亿英镑,56亿美元)来购买隶属于RWE(一境况不佳的德国能源企业)的12个油气田,并且未来可能还会投入更多资金。但英国政府正在试图迫使弗里德曼先生将这些资产售卖给第三方。政府担心美国未来对俄罗斯做出的制裁可能会中止运营、导致经济损失或带来安全风险。The decision seems odd. Mr Fridman had instituted what someone close to the deal calls “belt and braces” safeguards to protect production in the event of new sanctions. For the first year, ownership reverts automatically to RWE. After that, a Dutch foundation takes over.这个决定看起来莫名其妙。弗里德曼先生创立了被相关人士称为”腰带和背带(双重策略)“的保障措施,万一受到了新的制裁,可以用来保护产品。第一年,所有权自动返回到了RWE那里。在那之后,被一个荷兰基金会接管。Moreover, Mr Fridman is hardly a Kremlin crony. This weekend he flew from London to Moscow to attend the funeral of Boris Nemtsov, the murdered opposition leader (the rest of Russias business elite was mostly notable by its absence). Britains biggest energy company, BP, has a controversial but so far lucrative partnership with Rosneft, the main Russian oil company, which is close to the Kremlin. The risk of that relationship going wrong should be a rather greater worry.另外,弗里德曼先生很难被称为是克林姆宫的密友。本周末,他从伦敦飞往莫斯科参加被谋杀的反对党领导鲍里斯·涅姆佐夫的葬礼(值得注意的是其余俄罗斯商业精英的缺席)。英国最大的能源公司BP与Roseneft有着存在争议但到目前为止还算有利可图的合作关系,Roseneft是俄罗斯主要的油气公司,与克林姆宫关系密切。这段合作关系变质的风险应该是更值得担忧的问题。Another oddity is that the man Mr Fridman has chosen to chair LetterOnes energy division, Lord (John) Browne, is a former boss of BP. He piloted the company through a bruising battle over strategy with its previous Russian partners, TNK, a firm in which Mr Fridman happened to be a leading shareholder. That tussle does not seem to have left lasting scars. Lord Brownes recent memoir describes Mr Fridman as “civil and charming”, “tough and hardworking”, a “superb negotiator” and “extremely focused”.另一个古怪的地方是弗里德曼指定担任LetterOne能源部门主席的人,(约翰)布朗勋爵,他是BP的前总裁。他曾带领公司与前俄罗斯合作伙伴TNK就战略方面的问题进行了一番争斗,而弗里德曼正巧是TNK的主要股东之一。那场争斗似乎没有留下长久的疤痕。布朗勋爵最近的回忆录是这样描写弗里德曼的:“文明且有魅力”、“坚韧且勤奋”,是一名“极好的谈判者”,“极度专注”。Mr Fridman threatened to go to court, calling the governments objections to the deal belated, hurried and irrational. On March 4th the energy minister, Ed Davey, backtracked, giving Mr Fridman a week to make his case.弗里德曼威胁要诉诸法庭,号召政府反对这迟来、仓促且不理智的政策。3月4号,能源大臣爱德·达维松口给弗里德曼一个星期的时间来处理案件。A bigger worry should be the future of the North Sea. Britains regime, unlike Norways, does not encourage oilmen to keep going in lean years. Statoil, the state-owned Norwegian company, has just invested 9 billion in the first phase of the new Johan Sverdrup field, which will by 2025 produce more than all Britains wells. Collapsing confidence now could leave six billion barrels of oil stranded, says Sir Ian Wood, a veteran industry-watcher.北海的未来才应该是更大的担忧。英国海域与挪威不同,不鼓励石油商在歉收年继续开采。挪威国有企业Statoil刚对新的Johan Sverdrup油田第一阶段开采投入了90亿,这片油田到2025年将会产出比英国所有油田更多的资源。经验丰富的产业观察家伊恩·伍德阁下说,如今逐渐崩溃的信心可能让60亿桶原油开采搁浅。True, some of the industrys woes are of its own making, such as grotesquely inflated wage costs (now shrinking fast) and complacency (punctured). But others are the result of haphazard policymaking (14 energy ministers in 17 years) and high, complex taxation, such as a supplementary levy introduced by George Osborne, the chancellor, in 2011. The marginal tax rate on some production is as much as 80%.的确,该工业的某些灾难是咎由自取,比如说荒唐膨胀的工资成本(如今正在快速缩水)还有它的自鸣得意(被深深刺痛)。但其他的灾难就是颟顸决策(17年来换过14任能源大臣)以及高价、繁杂课税的结果了,比如说,财政大臣乔治·奥斯本于2011年出台的一项补充课税。一些产品的边际税率竟高达80%。The government is tweaking the tax regime, offering companies the chance to offset more losses against costs. It is offering to pay part of the multi-billion pound decommissioning bill. Perhaps it should be a bit nicer to foreigners wanting to risk their cash in the North Seas bracing climate.政府正在对税制进行调整,给了公司通过减少出来抵消更多损失的机会。它提出要部分付数万亿英镑的停工账单。也许它应该对那些想在北海透心凉气候中一掷千金的外国人友好一些。译者:王颖 校对:邵夏沁译文属译生译世201506/378814本溪北大医院无痛人流的收费标准

南芬人民医院看病贵不贵南芬观音阁八卦城街道男性专科Lexington莱克星顿An army without generals无将之军If Barack Obama is not really the leader of the Democratic Party, who is?如果奥巴马不是民主党真正的领袖,那么谁是?THOUGH leading the Republican Party can be a trying task, many politicians want to have a go. Ambition swirls so thickly in the halls of the 114th Congress, which was sworn in on January 6th, that it can almost be touched. Republican leaders, whips and committee chairmen, even the bosses of rebellious factions: all yearn to use their partys newly won control of the Senate and House of Representatives to make Barack Obamas life miserable and promote voter-pleasing conservative policies. As for the 2016 presidential nomination, around a dozen Republican bigwigs are circling the starting-line of that contest, eyes agleam. The party is fractious, but it is filled with energy, and those who would lead.虽说领导共和党是个尝试性的任务,但许多政客都想要参与其中。114届国会于1月6日宣誓就职,在这届的国会大厅内,野心的漩涡异常浓厚,仿佛伸手可触。共和党领袖、政党纪律委员、委员会主席,甚至是反叛派的头,都渴望利用自己党派赢得新的竞选从而控制参众两院,好让奥巴马的日子难过并推进选民欢迎的保守性政策。至于2016总统候选人提名,约十几位共和党内的大人物已经站在了起跑线上跃跃欲试,眼睛里闪烁着光芒。共和党是急躁的,但它满是能量,也满是野心上位的人。The contrast with the Democratic Party is striking. The party remains a potent force in national politics, even after 2014s mid-term elections cost it control of the Senate and left it with fewer House members than at any time since 1946. But as Democrats head into the final two years of the Obama era, they resemble an army without a commander-in-chief, or even generals whom footsoldiers might follow into battle.民主党则与其形成了鲜明对比。即使在2014年中期选举后民主党失去了参议院控制权,且其众议院席位降至1946年以来最低,但民主党在国家政治中仍有强大力量。但随着民主党的领导进入了奥巴马时代的最后两年,它就像一没有司令的军队,甚至没有将军能带领补兵上战场。In Congress the Democratic leaders of the Senate and House are both in their 70s, as are many of their lieutenants. Both are crafty tacticians more than inspiring thinkers. Neither represents the future. Out in the country, Republicans can point to any number of governors who look like conservative champions, busy turning their states into laboratories for tax-cutting, government-shrinking experiments. Only a handful of Democratic governors similarly dominate their states politics—the most prominent, Jerry Brown of California, is 76 years old.国会中,参众两院的民主党领导人都已70多岁,身边助手成群。他们都是狡猾的战术家而非启蒙思想家。他们都无法代表未来。在国内,共和党可以找出许多看起来像保守党领袖的州长,他们忙着把自己的州变成减税及政府缩减试验的试验区。只有极少数民主党州长在州内做同样的事情—最突出的就是加利福尼亚州76岁的州长杰瑞·布朗。Hillary Clinton will dominate her partys presidential primary if and when she says she is running. At the moment, she is a spectral presence—freezing the 2016 contest without offering leadership. If she does not run, it is not obvious who could replace her. Some like to daydream about Senator Elizabeth Warren, a Wall Street-bashing populist who is to the left of centre in her home state, Massachusetts, which is in turn to the left of centre of America as a whole. Ms Warren says she is not running for president (she favours the present tense), which makes her more sensible than her supporters: as a matter of cold electoral maths, she cannot win a nationwide contest.如果希拉里·克林顿表明要参与党内总统初选,那么她将主宰竞选。目前,她是一种幽灵式的存在—没提供领导能力就定格了2016的竞选。如果她不参与竞选,没人知道谁能取代她。有人幻想会是参议员伊丽莎白·沃伦(Elizabeth Warren)。她是抨击华尔街的民粹主义者,立场属于中间偏左,她的家乡马萨诸塞州正整体向中间偏左转变。沃伦说她并未参加总统竞选(她喜欢用现在时时态),这使她比她的持者更加明智:根据糟糕的选举数据,她不可能赢得全国范围内的竞选。President Obamas relations with the Democratic Party are increasingly complicated. After a wretched 2014, during which he seemed buffeted by events, Republicans successfully made the mid-term elections a referendum on his competence, prompting Democrats in some conservative states to try to disown him (in vain—most such Democrats lost anyway). Since then, Mr Obama has defied predictions of his imminent irrelevance. He has used his executive powers to shield millions of migrants from deportation, and started to dismantle the (remarkably ineffective) embargo against Cuba. He has sketched out future policies that may define his legacy, from new rules to protect the environment to global trade pacts. Republicans will try to thwart many of his plans. Global events continue to menace him. But as much as his office permits, Mr Obama is setting the agenda.总统奥巴马与民主党的关系日益复杂。在他被事件冲击的悲惨的2014过去后,共和党成功地把中期选举办成了对他能力的公民投票,推动一些保守州内民主党人对他的否定(这不过是徒劳,因为多数民主党人已经失去了席位)。此后,奥巴马蔑视关于他即将下台的预言。他利用自己的行政权力保护了数百万移民免受驱逐,并废除了对古巴明显无效的禁运政策。他勾勒出未来的政策趋势,从新环境保护规定到全球贸易协定,这些政策有可能成为他史册留名的资本。共和党人试图阻止他的多项计划。全球大事件继续威胁着他。但奥巴马正在自己的权限范围内,力定大局。。Yet if Mr Obama is not quite the lame-duck president that critics foresaw, he is still a lame-duck leader of the Democratic Party. Partly, this is a question of differing incentives. Mr Obama wants a legacy. Democrats have future elections to win. As Mr Obama conceded to National Public Radio recently, such policies as unpicking the Cuban embargo are “frankly…easier” for a president at the end of his term. Mr Obama has a strong interest in achievements that can pass a Republican-held Congress. Two planned trade pacts, one with Asia-Pacific countries, the other with Europe, are a case in point. Republicans and some centrist Democrats want a deal. Left-wing Democrats and unions are appalled.然而,即使奥巴马没有像家预测的那样成为跛脚鸭,他在民主党内的情况也将如此。部分来说,这是一个关于不同动机的问题。奥巴马想实测留名。民主党人想要赢得未来的选举。正如奥巴马近来在国家公共广播电台上承认的那样:坦白的说,像“解除古巴禁运”这样的政策,对一个任职末期的总统来说要容易得多。奥巴马很希望这项政策能在共和党控制的国会上通过。与亚太国家和欧洲国家的两项计划中的贸易协定就是个很好的例子。共和党与部分中间派民主党想要达成协议。左翼民主党和工会对此大为震惊。In part, the end of the Obama era is a moment of political clarity, exposing the oddly transactional nature of his ties to his own party. Mr Obama did not become the Democrats champion by explaining what sort of party they needed to be. He won office in 2008 by offering a new, post-racial, post-partisan form of politics, buttressed by the promise of his own life-story and brilliant electoral technology. He kept office in 2012 by turning out an “Obama coalition” that united the young, the poor, non-whites, gays, urban hipsters, unmarried women and affluent liberals. Other Democratic politicians went along for the ride, while grumbling that their president was disappointingly aloof and risk-averse.在某种程度上,奥巴马时代的结束,是政治透明的标志时刻,也暴露出奥巴马与自己党派间古怪的交易本质。奥巴马不是通过解释他们需要成为什么类型的政党这一问题,而变成民主党领袖。2008年,他提出一个新的、超越种族的、超越党派的政治形式,以他个人人生经历和闪耀的选举技能为撑,赢得了竞选。2012年,他创建了“奥巴马联盟”,联合了青年、穷人、非白种人、同性恋者、城市嬉皮士、未婚女性以及富裕的自由主义者,他借此得以连任。其他的民主党政客当时只是去凑凑热闹,抱怨奥巴马的冷漠和对风险的规避令人失望。Breaches of decorum失礼Relations between Mr Obama and congressional Democrats are sourer than ever. In an unusual breach of decorum, the strains of the 2014 election prompted on-the-record grouching about the White House from a right-hand man to Harry Reid, the Democratic leader in the Senate. A December budget crunch saw Nancy Pelosi, the Democrats boss in the House, fulminate against her own presidents willingness to cut deals with Republicans.奥巴马与国会民主党人之间的关系比以往任何时候都糟糕。2014选举的负担,催生出对白宫从得力助手到参议院民主党领袖哈利·瑞德的明面上的抱怨,这是极不寻常的失礼。众议院民主党领袖南希·佩洛西经历了12月预算的缩减后,严厉谴责总统个人想要削减与共和党的交易的意愿。Greybeards counsel calm. Presidents inevitably see their clout ebb as successors elections near, says Tom Daschle, who led Senate Democrats from 1995 to 2005. If Mrs Clinton runs for the nomination, she will become an alternative centre of power which will grow in importance. If she does not run, “there is a list of people waiting in the wings”, Mr Daschle soothes, offering as examples two very different senators: Ms Warren and Kirsten Gillibrand (the junior senator from New York and a politician of Clinton-level pragmatism, without the Clintons experience).资深人士建议对此保持平静。1995至2005年参议院民主党领袖汤姆·达施勒说,随着继任选举的临近,总统不可避免的会看到自己影响力的衰弱。如果希拉里·克林顿参与提名,她将替代奥巴马成为愈发重要的权力中心。如果她不参与竞选,“还有一串名单上的人在伺机而动”。达施勒举了两个完全不同的参议员—沃伦和克尔斯滕·吉利布兰德—作为例子,如此的安慰道。Other Democrats are less sure, seeing a problem that goes beyond personnel issues. “It is a little confusing who is leading the Democratic Party right now,” says a member of Congress who hears nothing “galvanising” from Mr Obama, and “no energy, no excitement”, from congressional bosses. Put another way, Democrats feel leaderless because the party lacks big, compelling ideas. Someone may yet fill that void. It needs to happen soon.其他民主党人看到了超越人事范围的问题,并对此不太确定。一名国会议员说:“现在究竟是谁在领导民主党,这个问题让人有些困惑。”该议员表示,从奥巴马那里听不到任何激励,从国会领袖那里也听不到任何充满能量、让人兴奋的话语。另一方面,民主党人觉得没有领导者是因为民主党缺乏宏伟的、引人注目的计划。或许有人将要填补这个空白。需要尽快采取行动。译者:萧毛毛 校对:杨雪 译文属译生译世 /201501/354899Ornithological trends英国鸟类迁徙趋势This bird has flown有所改变Why some species are thriving outside southern England为什么英格兰南部有些物种开始兴盛?WHEN people talk about a “north-south divide” in Britain they are usually referring to house prices, employment and the ratio of private-sector to public-sector jobs. The south scores higher on all such measures. But new data from the British Trust for Ornithology (BTO), a research charity, hints at the growth of another north-south divide—this time to the norths benefit.在英国,当人们提到“南北分歧”的时候,他们通常指的是房价、就业和私企与国企就业率之比。在所有类似的测量标准中,英国南部地区的数据较高。但慈善研究机构英国鸟类研究信托公司提供的新数据表明,在另一种形式增大的南北分歧中,北部地区获益较大。Every 20 years the BTO produces a superbly detailed atlas of bird life in Britain and Ireland. The 2007 to 2011 edition is cheery: more species are tallied than in previous atlases, and many birds are increasing in number. Compared with two decades ago, 45% of regular native species are ranging more widely while 32% are living in smaller areas; the rest have stayed put. But the most striking news comes from the north.每隔20年,英国鸟类研究信托公司都会公布一组有关英国和爱尔兰的鸟类生活详细地图分布册。2007-2011年的地图分布册显示的数据令人振奋:与前几年相比,记载了更多的物种;许多鸟类数量也有所增加。与20年前相比,45%的常规本地物种活动范围扩大,32%生活范围缩小;剩余的物种保持稳定。此外,最令人惊喜的消息从北部地区传来。The overall populations of woodland, farmland and migrant perching birds are up in northern England and Scotland but down in the south. The same is true of individual species such as the garden warbler, bullfinch and swallow. The number of cuckoos, a closely-watched species, declined by 63% in England between 1995 and 2010 but by only 5% in Scotland. Raptors are faring especially well in the south, but their numbers are rising in most parts of Britain.林地、农田和中途停留的迁徙鸟类数量在英格兰北部和苏格兰有所上升,但是在南部地区却有所下降。相同的情况也适用于个别物种,如园林莺、红腹灰雀、燕子。常见的物种之一杜鹃的数量,从1995年到2010年下降了65%,但在苏格兰地区仅下降了5%。南部地区的猛禽在南方生活的尤其滋润,其数量在英国大部分地区都有所上升。Partly this reflects climate change, suggests Simon Gillings of the BTO. Some birds are drawn to warmer winters in Scotland and northern England; visiting migrants may stick around for longer. Hard though it may be to believe during a week of torrential rain, the south is becoming drier, pushing snipe northward. More efficient farming has squeezed some farmland species.英国鸟类研究信托公司的西蒙·格林斯认为这部分反映了气候变化。有些鸟类迁往苏格兰和英格兰北部等冬天较为温暖的地方;旅鸟停留的时间可能会更长。我们很难相信在一周的强降雨之后,南部地区变得更加干燥,使得物种向北部迁移。高效率的农耕方式也使得一些农田物种的数量降低。Some birds find it harder to make homes in the south, too. Pressure on housing means dilapidated buildings and barns, handy for nesting, have been converted into human dwellings. Between 2006 and 2012 the number of vacant dwellings fell by 17% in London and by 12% in Kent. Over the same period the number of empty houses increased by 16% in Derbyshire and by 10% in Lancashire. Northern mining villages once full of workers are now sparsely populated, points out Ian Bartlett, a birdwatcher in Hartlepool, in north-east England. They have become hot spots for birds and the people who watch them.有些鸟类也发觉在南部地区繁衍更为艰难。以往适宜筑巢的荒废建筑物、谷仓都被人们的住房所占领。2006年至2012年,伦敦的房屋空置率下降了17%,肯特郡的下降12%。同一时期,德比郡的房屋空置率上升16%,而兰开郡的上升10%。哈特尔普尔的鸟类观察员兰·巴特勒称,位于英格兰东北部的北部采矿型乡村曾一度人满为患,现在人烟稀少。Cultural difference also plays a part, thinks Mark Cocker, an expert on birds. The “obsession with tidiness” is stronger in the south, he says. Fewer people cultivate gardens; they prefer to cover them in decking and remove weeds from between concrete slabs. Village greens are mowed short. In contrast, Scotland and northern England have more trees, grassland and wind-swept moors. Less popular with humans, rugged parts of the countryside are filling up with a winged population instead.鸟类专家马克·科克尔认为,文化差异也起了一定的作用。他表示,南部地区的人们“痴迷于整洁”的表现更为强烈。很少有人整理花园,他们更喜欢在花园装饰木甲板,在坚硬的石板中间除草。村庄草地也经常修剪得整整齐齐。相反,苏格兰和英格兰北部地区拥有更多的树林、草地和荒凉的沼泽地。很多崎岖的乡村人烟稀少,而鸟类却在此扎根,欣欣向荣。译者:毛慧 校对:王化起 译文属译生译世 /201511/407806明山区医院是正规医院吗Film and television Blood and cuts电影与电视 删减血腥镜头Unusually, some Chinese want more censorship不同寻常,一些国人期待更严格的审查A FLYING dagger stabs a Japanese soldier in the heart. Another fighter has his neck slit by a Chinese secret agent. Others are shot at close range, gassed or drowned. Like war dramas everywhere, “Royalty in Blood”, a 36-part television series about the war between China and Japan from 1937-45, is pretty gory. Yet unlike elsewhere, the on-screen violence is not just for adult viewers. It is aired each week at 7.35pm, the most popular television-watching hour, when even very young children in China have yet to go to bed.飞掷而来的匕首刺中了一名日本士兵的心脏,另一名士兵被中国特工割破了脖子。其他人或被近距离射杀,或被气体毒死,或被淹死。36集电视连续剧《异镇》,描述了1937年至1945年的中日战争。与满大街的战争戏一样,该剧场景异常血腥。但是与其他国家或地区不同,中国电视荧屏上的暴力场景不仅只供成年观众观看。该剧在每天晚上7点35分的电视黄金时间播放,而那时,甚至中国的小孩子都还没有上床睡觉。All films and TV shows are vetted by a government committee. Oddly, however, China has no ratings system to denote a films suitability for certain age-groups. It has no TV “watershed” either, as many countries do, dividing the day into family-oriented programming and late-night viewing with more adult content. Violent TV dramas are sometimes shown on public transport. Ticket sales at cinemas increased nearly 50% in the first 11 months of 2015 on the previous year to reach .3 billion, a total surpassed only by America. Yet questions are often raised about whether films are safe and appropriate for children, who can watch any of them.所有的电影和电视节目都要经过一个政府委员会的审查。但奇怪的是,中国并没有相应的分级制度说明电影适宜观看的年龄群体;也没有很多国家施行的电视“限时”播放制度----该制度将一天的电视节目分为家庭节目时段与包含更多成人内容的深夜节目时段。此外,含暴力场景的电视剧时不时也会出现在公共交通中。2015年的前11个月中,中国电影票房相比去年全年增加了近一半,达到了63亿美元,仅次于美国。但是,经常有人对电影内容是否适合儿童观看提出质疑,因为儿童看电影没有限制。The government does not want ratings or a watershed because it does not want to be seen to be permitting sex and violence for anyone. Its constraints on what may appear on screen represent a laundry list of the states anxieties. Content must not “endanger” Chinas unity, security or honour. It also should not “twist” history, feature explicit sex or gambling, advocate “the supremacy of religion” or “meticulously describe fortune-telling”. Playing up violence is prohibited, in theory.不采取分级制度和限时播放制度,是因为政府不想被人们认为其允许色情和暴力是适合某些人观看的。电视节目的限制清单反映了国家的关注点。电影电视内容不能危害国家团结、安全或有损国家荣誉。同时它也不能“扭曲”历史,包含直白的性内容、,倡导“宗教至上”或“封建迷信”。理论上,暴力内容也应被禁。But to attract adult audiences, makers of film and TV entertainment often like to push the boundaries of what the Communist Party regards as good taste. And even the prudish standards of the censors are sometimes flexible enough to allow content that might shock children, who are just as impressionable in China as anywhere else. In apparent response to demand from anxious parents, a handful of cinemas in the far western province of Xinjiang introduced their own unofficial ratings in 2014.但是为了吸引成年观众,电影或电视节目的制作者常常挑战共产党制定的规则。而有时保守的审查者也会过于灵活,让一些儿童不宜的内容出现在了荧幕上,这个人群在中国和别处一样,都非常容易受到影响。为了响应忧心忡忡的父母们的请求,2014年,在中国偏远的西部省份新疆,一些电影院采用了他们自己制定的非官方分级制度。Censors shockability has varied over time. The first Communist-era on-screen kiss was a peck on the cheek in “Romance on Lushan Mountain” in 1980, the year that Richard Gere appeared naked in “American Gigolo”, among the first Hollywood films to feature full-frontal male nudity. China has relaxed a bit since: for a while, one film fan had a blog called “Research Centre for Nipples in Chinese Films”.随着时代变迁,中国审查者们的尺度也在不断更改。在第一代共产党时代,屏幕上的亲吻仅是1980年《庐山恋》中出现的嘴唇轻轻一触脸颊,而同年Richard Gere的裸体已经出现在了《美国舞男》中,那是第一批男士裸体正面出现的好莱坞电影之一。据一位电影爱好者的客“中国电影乳房研究中心”所言,自那时开始,中国已经逐渐放开了一些。However, prudishness has revived in recent years. The nude scene in “Titanic”, a Hollywood film, was screened intact in China in 1998, for example, but removed from the 3D version released in 2012. Heaving bosoms have been blacklisted too: in the past year two popular TV dramas have been forced to re-edit shots that include plunging necklines and to zoom in on the actresses faces instead (movies involving such filming techniques are referred to scathingly as “big-head” ones). Online streaming sites, which previously had often succeeded in escaping the censors attention, are coming under closer scrutiny.但是近年来保守之风又死灰复燃。例如好莱坞电影《泰坦尼克》1998年在中国放映时,戏中的裸露镜头是保持完整的,但是在2012年重新发布的3D版中却被删减。丰满的胸部也被列入了黑名单:去年两部热播电视部就被强迫重新编辑镜头,聚焦到将含有低胸画面的镜头改成女主角的脸部(使用到此类拍摄技巧的电影被人们戏谑地称为“大头娃娃”版)。线上媒体先前逃脱了审查者的注意,但现在也被置于更严格的审查中。Moral strictures are not applied equally. Regulators warn against “displaying excessive drinking, smoking and other bad habits”, for example, yet smoking is routine on Chinese screens. One blockbuster released in 2015, “Gone with the Bullets”, had to delay its premiere, probably because it had to adjust some of its sexually suggestive content. But it featured 45 smoking scenes—around one every three minutes.然而道德标准并不公正。例如,监管者们对“播放过度饮酒,抽烟或其他陋习”提出警告,然而在中国电影电视中,抽烟的镜头依旧比比皆是。2015年的电影巨作《一步之遥》不得不延迟上映,或许是因为要修改其中一些性暗示内容。但是电影中出现了45个抽烟的镜头----约每三分钟出现一次。Tolerance for violence is higher than it is for sex, perhaps because so much of what passes for entertainment on TV and in cinemas is in fact propaganda relating to the war against the Japanese and the partys bloody rise to power. Such historical gore is mostly given a clean pass (although some anti-Japanese war shows were reined in for being “overly dramatic” in 2013). A Chinese film released in 2006, “Curse of the Golden Flower”, was given a rating in America that required those under 17 to be accompanied by an adult because of its violent scenes (one is pictured). But these scenes were left uncut when it was screened in China. Viewers were given no warning about them. On TV “The Patriot” (Yue Fei), a popular historical drama, commonly features long fights with bloody swords, arrows through the heart and dripping corpses. It currently airs on one channel in the early afternoon (others show it at 7.35pm).对暴力内容的容忍度比性要高,这或许是因为许多电视节目和电影实际上都是在宣传反对日本侵略的战争,以及宣扬共产党崛起的血腥历程。类似的历史剧一般都不会遭到刁难(尽管2013年一些抗日战争剧因为“过于戏剧化”而被禁播)。2006年上映的电影《满城尽带黄金甲》因为其中的暴力场景(如上图),在美国被评级为17岁以下人员需由一名成人陪同才可观看。但是这些画面在中国上映时并没有被删减,观影者没有接到任何警告。正在上映的流行历史剧《精忠岳飞》中,经常出现带血的刀剑,箭矢穿心而过,以及正在流血的尸体等长时间打斗的画面。该剧每天下午早些时候在一个频道中播放(其他频道在晚上7:35播放)。Censors more often pounce if the context is not related to Chinas military heroism. A Japanese anime film, “Attack on Titan”, was pulled from the Shanghai film festival in June, probably because of its violent content. A childrens cartoon, “Pleasant Goat and the Big, Big Wolf”, a Chinese “Tom and Jerry”, was criticised by state media in 2013 for its “vulgar” language and violent images; they said that the wolf was assaulted with a frying pan over 9,500 times in his attempt to bring a sheep home for his wife to cook. There were no apparent objections to the gender stereotypes.当上映内容与中国的军事英雄主义无关时,审查者们往往都倍加严格。在今年6月的上海电影节中,一部日本动漫电影《进击的巨人》或许就由于其暴力内容被撤。儿童动漫《喜羊羊与灰太狼》----中国版的《猫和老鼠》,在2013年时因为其中的粗俗语言和暴力画面被国家媒体抨击;他们称那只狼为了将羊抓回家让老婆煮被平底锅击中了9500多次。审查中没有明显地对性别的刻板印象提出异议。 译文属译生译世 /201602/428086本溪妇幼保健院人流要多少钱

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