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2019年08月25日 13:36:08    日报  参与评论()人

长岭县结扎恢复长春刨宫产多少钱伊通满族自治县妇女医院门诊专家预约 China will reduce logging on planted forests and eventually end logging on natural forests, under a plan published this week by the State Council, China’s cabinet.中国的内阁机构国务院在本周公布了一项计划,将减少人工林的采伐量,并最终停止天然林采伐。Under the guidelines, China will reduce commercial harvesting of planted forests by 20 percent and eliminate logging on state-owned natural forests by 2020.根据该指导意见,中国将在2020年前将人工林的商业性采伐减少20%,停止国有天然林场的采伐。Amid the many environmental concerns facing China, the country’s forest cover has seen notable progress over the past several decades. China began aggressive efforts to expand its depleted forests in the 1980s, and that campaign took on a new intensity after 1998, when flooding of the Yangtze River was attributed to rampant logging. As a result “more of the country is forested than at any time since the early Qing” dynasty, the University of Washington scholars Alicia S.T. Robbins and Stevan Harrell wrote last year. The Qing dynasty spanned from 1644 to 1911.中国面临很多环境问题,该国的森林覆盖面积在过去几十年中有了显著增加。中国在20世纪80年代开始大力扩种砍伐殆尽的森林,而这一行动的力度1998年以后愈发增强,因为当时长江洪水泛滥被归因于猖獗的采伐行为。华盛顿大学(University of Washington)学者艾丽西亚·S·T·罗宾斯(Alicia S.T. Robbins)和斯特万·哈勒尔(Stevan Harrell)在去年写道,结果“中国的森林覆盖面积达到了清朝初期以来的最高水平”。清朝的起止时间为1644至1911年。But experts say that such reforestation efforts also have many weaknesses. Large numbers of trees of a single species are often planted together, leaving them vulnerable to disease and vast die-offs. Sometimes the trees are not appropriate for the arid climates where they are planted, increasing the strain on limited water resources. An effort to expand forest cover across north China to slow desertification, known colloquially as the Green Great Wall, has suffered from a poor survival rate of the trees planted.但专家表示,这种重新造林的举措也存在很多问题。大量同一品种的树木通常会被种在一起,导致它们容易患病,出现树木大批死亡的情况。有时,树木会被种在并不适合的干旱气候之中,从而增加了有限的水资源所面临的压力。为了延缓荒漠化进程,中国北部采取了扩大森林覆盖面的措施,即人们所谓的“绿色长城”,但是种在那里的树木成活率很低。Efforts to curb logging have also had unintended consequences. Following the 1998 flooding, a logging ban was enacted in 13 provinces to better protect the Yangtze and Yellow rivers. But that drove up imports, triggering fears of damage to vulnerable forests in Southeast Asia. Subsequent agreements between China and timber-exporting nations in Southeast Asia have helped alleviate some of those concerns.遏制伐木的工作也会带来一些意想不到的后果。1998年的洪水之后,为了更好地保护长江与黄河,中国在13个省颁布了禁伐令。但是,木材进口由此增加,引发了人们对东南亚脆弱的森林会受到损害的担忧。中国和东南亚的木材出口国随后签订的一系列协议,在减轻这些担忧方面发挥了作用。The plan to restrict logging in natural forests will largely be felt in northeast China. Last year China banned commercial logging in natural forests in Heilongjiang Province, the state news agency Xinhua reported. The government has budgeted 2.35 billion renminbi a year, about 0 million, to help cover the living costs of laid-off forestry workers and to promote other forest-related industries, according to chinadialogue, an independent website that reports on environmental issues.很大程度上,限制采伐天然林的计划将在中国东北实施。据中国官方通讯社新华社报道,去年,中国已禁止对黑龙江省的天然林进行商业性采伐。报道环境议题的独立网站“中外对话”表示,政府每年将安排23.5亿元人民币的财政预算,用于保障失业林业工作者的生活开,并促进其他森林相关的行业的发展。 /201503/365917Expectations are high that India will finally realise its full economic potential through a combination of Modi magic, its abundant young labour force and a more liberal policy regime. A recent adjustment in the country’s accounting has led to claims that it may aly have replaced China as the world’s fastest growing economy. Yet, if India is to achieve the same sustained success as China, it needs to take a hard look at why its urbanisation process has failed so miserably in comparison.人们普遍预期,有了莫迪(Modi)的“魔法”、充裕的年轻劳动力以及更为自由的政策机制,印度最终将充分实现其经济潜力。最近印度调整了国内生产总值(GDP)计算方式,结果使一些人宣称,该国可能已经取代中国成为全球增长最快的经济体。然而,要想像中国那样取得持续成功,印度就需要认真审视一下,与中国相比,本国的城市化进程为何遭遇惨败。Four decades ago, these two most populous and poor countries faced similar economic prospects. With the bulk of their labour force stuck in subsistence farming and a relative scarcity of natural resources, the success or failure of their development efforts would be defined by their urbanisation process. In 1980, India was further ahead than China with an urbanisation ratio of 25 per cent ratio compared with the latter’s 20 per cent. Today, China has more than doubled its ratio to 53 per cent, while India’s has edged up only slightly to 32 per cent — and even at that level is marked by more pervasive pockets of slums. Some believe that China may have even reached saturation point.40年前,这两个世界上人口最多、最为贫穷的国家面临类似的经济前景。由于大部分劳动力一直从事自给农业,而且自然资源相对匮乏,它们发展努力的成功与否将由城市化进程决定。1980年,印度的城市化率为25%,比中国的20%领先一步。现在,中国的城市化率增长一倍多至53%,而印度仅略微增长至32%,甚至在这个水平上,它的城市还以更为随处可见的贫民窟为特点。一些人相信,中国的城市化率甚至可能已经达到了饱和点。China’s rapid industrialisation-driven urbanisation process led to a sustained double-digit surge in real wages, which uplifted some 600m rural people out of poverty and accounted for half the country’s 10 per cent annual gross domestic product growth rates from 1980-2010. In contrast, despite its impressive service-sector development, India has not managed to develop a vibrant manufacturing sector and most of its labour force is still mired in low-productivity rural activities.中国由工业化驱动的快速城市化进程导致其实际薪资水平持续两位数增长,从而使得约6亿农村人口摆脱贫困,同时中国从1980年到2010年平均每年10%的GDP增长有一半来源于此。相比之下,尽管务业发展引人瞩目,但印度没有实现制造业部门的蓬勃发展,大部分劳动力仍从事生产率低下的农业活动。Thus, it is not surprising that many see a revamped urbanisation process as being critical to India’s development agenda. Much of the current discussion has focused on the nuts and bolts of improving urban institutions, education and municipal financing to encourage larger and more productive cities. But most of it misses the point. China’s success occurred despite it having similarly weak institutions and, unlike India, it still has a restrictive residency system that discourages rural workers from relocating to urban commercial centres. However, in today’s India the basic incentives for a more dynamic and productivity-driven urbanisation process do not exist. If they are to be established, there needs to be a much better understanding of the nature of the problem.因此,并不令人意外的是,许多人认为调整城市化进程对印度的发展日程至关重要。当前讨论大多集中在改善城市制度、教育和市政融资的细节上,目的是促进规模更大、生产效率更高的城市产生。但这种讨论大多没说到点子上。尽管中国的制度同样有缺陷,而且与印度不同,现在它仍保留着阻止农村人口迁移到城市商业中心的限制性户籍制度,但中国仍取得了成功。然而,在今天的印度,并不存在让城市化进程更具活力、以及由生产率推动城市化进程的基本刺激因素。要想创造这些刺激因素,就需要更好地理解问题的本质。The reason why India has failed and China succeeded can be illustrated by two simple indicators: their respective ratios of urban to rural incomes and the prices of urban property.两个简单指标可以阐明印度失败而中国成功的原因:两国各自的城市与农村收入比,以及城市房价。The ratio of incomes gives a sense of the relative differences in productivity between the cities and countryside. For China, this ratio is 3.2 – the highest in world. On average, urban workers are more than three times as productive as rural workers and are being compensated accordingly. No wonder some 270m migrant workers have flocked to the cities to secure better paying industrial jobs. For India, the same measure gives a ratio of 1.6, one of the lowest for emerging market economies, indicating that urban productivity is only moderately higher than in rural areas, and cities do not offer such a magnet of higher earnings.收入比可以让人们了解城市和农村生产率的相对差距。中国的该比率为3.2,为全球最高水平。平均而言,城市劳动者的生产率是农村劳动者的3倍多,相应的薪酬比也是3倍多。因此约2.7亿农民工蜂拥至城市来从事薪资更高的工业工作就不足为奇了。同时印度的该比率是1.6,在新兴市场经济体中的最低之列,这表明其城市的生产率仅略高于农村地区,城市也缺乏更高收入的吸引力。The other key indicator is the relative difference in property prices in China versus India. China’s mega-cities have seen a five-fold increase in property prices in renminbi terms, or nearly seven-fold in US dollars over the past decade. No wonder concerns about a possible property bubble in China dominate global financial news. Yet despite these astounding increases, property prices in Beijing and Shanghai are still only half those of their Indian counterparts of New Delhi and Mumbai.另一个关键指标是中印房价的相对差距。在过去10年里,中国特大型城市的房价按人民币计算上涨了4倍,按美元计算上涨近6倍。难怪全球金融新闻都是对中国房地产泡沫的担忧。然而,尽管房价涨幅惊人,但北京和上海的房价仍然只有印度新德里和孟买的一半。So because the productivity-related benefits are so much lower in India, the incentive for rural workers to migrate to the cities is much less than in China and this is accentuated by the relatively higher cost of living in Indian cities due to exorbitant property prices. These same inflated property prices coupled with other factors — notably logistical bottlenecks — put Indian manufacturers at a cost disadvantage in competing in global markets despite their lower wages. The net effect is to hobble India’s progress.因此,由于印度与生产率相关的好处要低得多,农村劳动者迁移至城市的动机就远低于中国,同时由于房价高得离谱,印度城市生活成本相对较高,农村劳动者就更不愿迁移至城市。同样虚高的房价加上其他因素(尤其是物流瓶颈),使得印度制造商在全球市场竞争时处于成本方面的劣势,尽管它们的薪资水平较低。最终结果就是阻碍了印度的发展。India’s lower urban-to-rural productivity ratio is partly the result of well-recognised distortions in its investment and pricing regime, as highlighted in studies done by the World Bank and IMF. But less widely understood is the negative impact of urban land-management policies.正如世界(World Bank)和国际货币基金组织(IMF)的研究强调的那样,印度城市生产率与农村生产率之比较低,部分是因为其广为人知的投资和定价机制的扭曲,但较少人认识到城市土地管理政策带来的负面影响。India’s excessively high property prices reflect a combination of two archaic practices. One is the legacy of its colonial past in reserving large parcels of valuable urban land for government use, including sprawling and wasteful estates for civil servants and military cantonments. The other comes from outdated and overly rigid building codes that discourage concentrated development of commercial activity and housing in the core of its major cities. This pushes development to the outer suburbs, making it difficult to realise the agglomeration benefits that drive productivity gains.印度房价过高反映出两种陈旧做法的影响。一个是过去殖民地时代遗留下来的做法,即将大块宝贵的城市土地保留下来供政府使用,包括为公务员和兵营保留庞大且浪费性的地产。另一个做法则产生于过时且过分僵化的建筑法令,这些法令不鼓励在主要城市的核心区集中开发商业活动和住房。这把开发活动赶到了郊外,从而很难通过集群化来提升生产率。Unless these issues are addressed, India cannot realise the growth benefits from a more rapid urbanisation-cum-industrialisation process which has characterised China and much of east Asia over the past four decades.除非这些问题得到解决,否则印度不可能获得更加快速的城市化和工业化进程带来的发展益处——而在过去40年里,快速城市化和工业化是中国和大部分东亚国家的特点。 /201506/380097长春妇幼保健医院痛经多少钱

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松原妇幼保健妇保医院周末上班吗In Hong Kong, luxury real estate prices keep climbing to the stratosphere.在香港,豪华住宅价格不断刷新纪录。Developer Sun Hung Kai Properties is listing House No. 1 at its new Twelve Peaks development located in the city#39;s exclusive Victoria#39;s Peak neighborhood at 819.1 million Hong Kong dollars (US5.7 million).If a buyer pays full price, it would represent a cost of HK5,735 per square foot and would be the world#39;s most expensive home ever sold on a per square foot basis. It would also be the most expensive home ever sold in the city.新鸿基地产发展有限公司(Sun Hung Kai Properties Ltd., 0016.HK, 简称:新鸿基地产)在香港富人区――香港太平山(Victoria#39;s Peak)新开发了一个楼盘Twelve Peaks,其中1号屋已经上市,售价为8.191亿港元(合1.057亿美元)。如果全款购买,则相当于每平方英尺175,735港元,这有可能是全世界有史以来单价最贵的豪宅,同时也是整个香港有史以来最贵的豪宅。The recently constructed home spans 4,661 square feet, with four bedrooms, a private pool, a garden, rooftop terrace and a carport that can house two cars.这幢近期竣工的豪宅面积为4,661平方英尺(合433平方米),有四个卧室,一个私人泳池,一座花园,屋顶有露台,同时还有一个可容纳两辆车的车库。Hong Kong has broken its share of records before. The most expensive home sold to date in Hong Kong was a 5,989 square-foot manse on 10 Pollock#39;s Path, also located on the Peak. That house sold for HK0 million, or HK3,578 per square foot, in 2011.上述售价已经打破香港最贵豪宅纪录。此前香港最贵的豪宅面积为5,989平方英尺(合556平方米),位于香港太平山的普乐道(Pollock#39;s Path)。该住宅于2011年以总价8亿港元、单价每平方英尺133,578港元的价格售出。Luxury realtors in Hong Kong have long hoped that the luxury home market, which has stalled since the Hong Kong government implemented higher stamp duties to constrain a runaway housing prices, would breathe life again.香港的豪华房地产经纪人一直在期待豪宅市场的复苏。为了抑制涨势失控的房价,香港之前提高了印花税,这导致豪宅市场陷入停滞。Those interested in the latest listing will be encouraged to act fast: A buyer will be offered a 3% discount if a deal is made within five months. Sun Hung Kai is also offering the early-bird buyer a 11.75% rebate on the 15% buyer#39;s stamp duty.这个新楼盘的开发商将鼓励感兴趣的买家尽快出手:在楼盘推出五个月内签约的买家将获得3%的折扣。新鸿基地产还将向前期买家退还11.75%的物业买卖印花税。在香港,购房人需缴纳15%的物业买卖印花税。Discounts have lately become common practice in Hong Kong as developers hope to stoke lagging demand of new homes.为刺激萎靡的新建住宅需求,开发商近来普遍打出折扣。 /201408/320511 伊通满族自治县结扎复通长春处女膜修复术要花多少钱

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