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2019年08月21日 15:40:34|来源:国际在线|编辑:服务活动
A very warm welcome to Number 10 Downing Street. As-salamu alaykum. It’s really great to have you here for this Eid al Adha commemoration. Tonight I want to say something about the importance of Eid; I want to say something about the enormous contribution that British Muslims make to our country; and I want to say something about the work that we’re all doing as a country to help Muslims around the world. But before I say that I want to say something about what a difficult Eid I know it has been because of the terrible events in Iraq and Syria and the appalling brutality of ISIL. But in the midst of this brutality and the awful beheading of British hardworking good, compassionate men like Alan Henning and David Haines, in the midst of all that, something has emerged in our country which makes me incredibly proud. And that has been the response of British Muslims who have stood up and stood together and said: “These appalling events are not being done in my name.” And I felt so proud of British Muslims in everything that you have said and everything that you have done. And let us say again tonight that these people in Iraq and Syria doing these appalling things, they have nothing to do with the great religion of Islam, a religion of peace, a religion that inspires daily acts of kindness and generosity. And that leads me to what I wanted to say about Eid. Because I’m not a scholar of any religion but what I love about Eid is it demonstrates how close together our religions are. Because of course we’re thinking of sacrifice, and we’re thinking of compassion. We’re thinking of the moment that Abraham showed his iness to sacrifice to God because he was prepared to give up his son. But God said, “No, you must take a lamb instead.” This is the same in my Bible as it is in your Quran. But what I love with what you have done with the festival of Eid is that you’ve taken it one stage further and said that that lamb should be sacrificed in 3 ways: for family, for friends and neighbours, and then a third for those that are neediest in our society and in our country. And I think that lesson of sacrifice and compassion that I understand at the heart of Eid is so important and something that should bring all our religions and our communities together. The second thing I wanted to say is just about the contribution that British Muslims make in our country. I’ve spoken about the extraordinary outpouring there’s been about these appalling events in Syria and Iraq, but we shouldn’t be surprised about that because British Muslim communities are immensely proud of being British and they give an enormous amount to our country. British Muslims are actually the most generous, charitable givers that there are of any community in Britain, and that’s something to be immensely proud of as well as all the contributions to the arts, to literature, to music, to sport. Before my conference speech I met an absolutely sensational British Muslim woman who not only ran 2 superb restaurants but was also a teacher, was also a Conservative councillor and was also the mother of 5 brilliant children, all of whom I met. And that made me think about the hardworking people in British Muslim communities who are absolutely standing up for the values that make this country great: values of enterprise, values of family, values of community, values of hard work. And that is what we’re celebrating tonight. Third and final thing is just to say a word about what we’re doing as a country to help Muslims who are suffering around the world. And I think perhaps we don’t say enough about this, and I think perhaps we need to say more in all our communities to demonstrate to people who care passionately about the suffering people go through about what a generous and compassionate nation this is. We see these appalling problems in Syria with so many refugees and so many people suffering. Britain is the second largest bilateral donor of any country in the world. We’re always the first to step up and step forward, and we should be proud of that. I’ve just been chairing a meeting today about how we respond to the appalling crisis of Ebola in West Africa, where Muslims and Christians are suffering alongside each other with this appalling affliction. Of course America has taken some great steps but Britain again is the second country in the world, spending £125 million to help people in West Africa. We’re sending ships. We’re sending helicopters. We’re sending doctors. We’re building 700 beds to help those people. If you look at who funds the Palestinian authority, again, Britain is one of the most generous donors, not just to help with aid but also to help with governance and with expertise so that Palestine can have the statehood that it so richly deserves. So in all these areas we should celebrate what we do, what British Muslims do but what our whole country does for those who suffer around the world. We made a promise to the people of the world, the poorest of the world, that we would spend 0.7% of our GDP on aid and development, and we’re one of the few countries in the world that has kept that promise. And that is helping Muslims all over the world, whether in Syria, whether in Africa, whether in East Asia, all over the world. And I think we should be proud of that. So, thank you for coming tonight. Thank you for your contribution to our country. I hope that with all the difficulties of Eid we should celebrate the enormous number of people who’ve made the pilgrimage to the Holy City. And so it only remains for me to say Eid Mubarak. Thank you.201505/377149AMBASSADORISCHINGER:Thanks very much. I think now we can continue. It’s my great pleasure now toopen our second panel this morning. We have two longtime friends of the MunichSecurity Conference. Both of our panelists have been with the Munich SecurityConference when they served in the U.S. Senate for many years. So let mewelcome both Secretary John Kerry and Secretary Chuck Hagel, both now no longerin the Senate but both now for a year, for practically a year, Secretary ofState and Secretary of Defense. Welcome, Mr. Secretaries. (Applause.)I think the way we want to usethese 45 minutes or so is that both Secretaries will offer introductorycomments; and if you have a question to ask, please put it on one of the slipsof paper and hand it to the staff, and then we’ll use whatever time we have tohave a discussion, a Qamp;A session, in just a few minutes.John, would you like to start?Thank you.SECRETARYKERRY:Well, thank you very much, Ambassador Ischinger. I’m very grateful for theopportunity to be here. (In German.) Nice to be with everybody. And I am – Iwant to remark that Ambassador Ischinger had the pleasure of going to therenowned Fletcher School at Tufts University, but it sounds to me like he losthis Boston accent. I don’t know what happened to him along the way. (Laughter.)This is a very real and specialpleasure for Chuck and me to be here at this conference. We do know thisconference well. And as Walter said, we are not just friends from the Senatebut we’re friends from a common experience of a long period of time. So it’s apleasure for us now to be working together as partners with respect to thenational security issues that challenge all of us.So the fact is also that bothChuck and I feel this Atlantic relationship very much in our bones. Both of ourfamilies emigrated to the ed States from Europe, and both of our fatherssigned up to fight tyranny and totalitarianism in World War II. And we bothwatched the Berlin Wall go up as we grew up, and we grew up as Cold War kids.So we come to these discussions –both of us – with part of our formative years planted in the post-ColdWar/post-World War period, and certainly deeply in the Cold War period. As akid who grew up in school doing drills to get under my desk in the event ofnuclear war, this is something that still conditions my thinking.It was during that period of timethat I first encountered what I came to understand as one of the unmistakablesymbols of the enduring American-European partnership. I was a young kid whoserved – who was with my father in Berlin when he served as the legal advisorto the then High Commissioner to Germany, James Conant. And I spent a piece ofmy childhood getting on trains in Frankfurt and going through the dead of nightto arrive in Berlin and be greeted by the American military man, and movebetween a British sector, a French sector, an American sector, and a Russiansector. So I can remember cold signs warning you about where you were leaving,and I can remember guns rapping on the windows of my train when I dared to liftthe blinds and try to look out and see what was on the other side.I’ll also never forget walkinginto a building – I used to ride my bicycle down to Kurfurstendamm when it wasstill rubble. We’re talking about the early 1950s, just to date myself. And youcould see a plaque on a building that said: “This was rebuilt with help fromthe Marshall Plan.” But the truth is today, as we gather in Munich in 2014,George Marshall’s courageous vision – resisting the calls of isolationism andinvesting in this partnership – requires all of us to think about more than justbuildings. That period of time saw the Marshall Plan lead America’s support forthe rebuilding of a continent. But it was more than just the rebuilding of acontinent; it was the rebuilding of an idea, it was the rebuilding of a visionthat was built on a set of principles, and it built alliances that were justunthinkable only a few years before that.And I say all of this to try toput this meeting and the challenges that we face in a context. So long as I canremember, I have understood that the ed States and Europe are strongestwhen we stand united together for peace and prosperity, when we stand in strongdefense of our common security, and when we stand up for freedom and for commonvalues. And everything I see in the world today tells me that this is a momentwhere it’s going to take more than words to fulfill this commitment. All of usneed to think harder and act more in order to meet this challenge.With no disrespect whatsoever –in fact, only with the purest of admiration to the strategic and extraordinaryvision of Brent Scowcroft sitting over here, Henry Kissinger, Zbig Brzezinski,who I don’t see but I know is here somewhere. There he is. These are men whohelped to shape and guide us through the Cold War and the tense moments and thereal dangers that it presented. But the fact is that this generation ofconfluence of challenges that we’re confronting together are in many ways morecomplex and more vexing than those of the last century. The largely bipolarworld of the Cold War, East-West, was relatively straightforward compared tothe forces that have been released with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the riseof sectarianism, the rise of religious extremism, and the failure of governancein many places. In fact, we should none of us be surprised that it is thewisdom and vision of Henry Kissinger in his brilliant book Diplomacy – which,if you’ve it, re it; if you haven’t, it for the first time – laysall of this out in his first chapter as he talks about the balance – the oldgame of balance of power and interests. And as he predicts that this is moreconvoluted because of the absence of a structure to really manage and cope withthis new order that we face. Those were his words.So today we are witnessing youthpopulations, huge youth populations: 65 percent of a country under the age of30, under the age of 25 in some places; 50 percent under the age of 21; 40percent under the age of 18 – unemployed, disenfranchised, except for whatglobalization has brought them in their capacity to be able to reach out andsee what the rest of the world is doing even as they are denied the opportunityto do it too – an enormous, desperate yearning for education, for jobs, foropportunity. That’s what drove Tahrir Square, not the Muslim Brotherhood, notany religious extremism, but young kids with dreams. That’s what led that fruitvendor in Tunisia to self-immolate after he grew too tired of being slappedaround by a police officer, denied his opportunity just to sell his fruit wareswhere he wanted to.We are facing threats ofterrorism and untamed growth in radical sectarianism and religious extremism,which increases the challenge of failed and failing governments and the vacuumsthat they leave behind. And all of this is agitated by a voracious globalizedappetite and competition for resources and markets that do not alwayssufficiently share the benefits of wealth and improved quality of life with allcitizens.And this is all before you get tothe challenge of global food security, water availability, and global climatechange. These are the great tests of our time. Now, even as our economies inthe ed States and Europe begin to emerge from the economic trials of thelast years, we are not immune to extremism or to the natural difficulties ofnurturing democracy, and particularly as we measure what is happening with thenumber of jihadists who are attracted by the magnet of the Assad regime toSyria, where from Europe and from America and from Australia and from GreatBritain and from many other places they now flock to learn the trade of terror,and then perhaps to return to their home shores.The task of building a Europethat is whole and free and at peace is not complete. And in order to meettoday’s challenges both near and far, America needs a strong Europe, and Europeneeds a committed and engaged America. And that means turning inward is not anoption for any of us. When we lead together, others will join us. But when wedon’t, the simple fact is that few are prepared or willing to step up. That’sjust a fact. And leading, I say respectfully, does not mean meeting in Munichfor good discussions. It means committing resources even in a difficult time tomake certain that we are helping countries to fight back against the complex,vexing challenges of our day.I’ll tell you, I was recently inKorea and reminded that 10 of the 15 countries that used to receive aid fromthe ed States of America as recently as in the last 10 years are todaydonor countries. Think about that: 10 of the 15 and the others are on their wayto being donor countries. Now let me be fair. We need to have this debate inAmerica too right now. The small fraction of our budget that we invest in ourdiplomacy and in foreign assistance is a miniscule investment compared to thecost of the crises that we fail to avoid.So as a transatlantic community,we cannot retreat and we must do more than just recover – all of us. What weneed in 2014 is a transatlantic renaissance, a new burst of energy and commitmentand investment in the three roots of our strength: our economic prosperity, ourshared security, and the common values that sustain us.Now first, our shared prosperity:Who would have imagined at the first Munich conference in 1963 that .6billion in goods and services would flow between us every day? That didn’thappen by accident, nor did the 4 trillion that we invest in each other’seconomies every single year, or the more than 13 million jobs that we supportmutually because of it. The depth and bth of our economic position andpartnership was a conscious choice of the men I described and other men andwomen during that period of time who had a vision, and they need to be aconscious reflection of our vision today.Today, as our economies recover,we also have to do more to put this indispensable partnership to work, a sharedprosperity that benefits us all. And we can start, frankly, by harnessing theenergy and the talents of our people, which is what the Transatlantic Trade andInvestment Partnership is all about. T-TIP is about more than growing oureconomies. It will promote trade, investment, innovation. It will bring oureconomies closer together while maintaining high standards in order to ensurethat we create good jobs for these young people who are screaming about thefuture. And it will cement our way of doing business as the world’s goldstandard. Imagine what happens when you take the world’s largest market and theworld’s largest single economy and you marry them together with the principlesand the values that come with it. It will – if we’re ambitious enough, T-TIPwill do for our shared prosperity what NATO has done for our shared security,recognizing that our security has always been built on the notion of our sharedprosperity.We are the most innovativeeconomies in the world, the ed States and Europe, and as such we have amajor responsibility to deal with this growing potential catastrophe of climatechange. I urge you, the latest IPCC report. It’s really chilling. Andwhat’s chilling is not rhetoric; it’s the scientific facts, scientific facts.And our history is filled with struggles through the Age of Reason and theRenaissance and the Enlightenment for all of us to earn some respect forscience. The fact is that there is no doubt about the real day-to-day impact ofthe human contribution to the change in climate.201501/357064

Hi, everybody. 大家好!Im here at Childrens National Medical Center in Washington, D.C., visiting with some kids being treated here all the time for asthma and other breathing problems. 此刻,我在华盛顿特区的国家儿童医疗中心,看望在这里接受治疗的哮喘和其它呼吸系统疾病的患儿。Often, these illnesses are aggravated by air pollution-pollution from the same sources that release carbon and contribute to climate change. 通常,这些疾病都因空气污染而恶化,这些污染同样来源于碳排放并引起了气候变化。And for the sake of all our kids, weve got to do more to reduce it.为了我们子孙后代的利益,我们必须努力减少碳排放。Earlier this month, hundreds of scientists declared that climate change is no longer a distant threat-it “has moved firmly into the present.”本月早些时候,数百名科学家联合声明,气候变化再也不是什么遥远的威胁,它“已经实实在在影响到当下人们的生活”。Its costs can be measured in lost lives and livelihoods, lost homes and businesses; and higher prices for food, insurance, and rebuilding.这一代价可以从人的死亡、失去生计、流离失所,食物价格、保险费用、重建成本高涨等现象中得以呈现。Thats why, last year, I put forward Americas first climate action plan. 因此,去年,我首先提出美国气候应对计划。This plan cuts carbon pollution by building a clean energy economy-using more clean energy, less dirty energy, and wasting less energy throughout our economy.该计划通过减少碳排放建设清洁能源经济—更多使用清洁能源,减少使用污染能源,减少我们整个经济活动中的能源浪费。One of the best things we can do for our economy, our health, and our environment is to lead the world in producing cleaner, safer energy-and were aly generating more clean energy than ever before. 我们可以做的对我们的经济、健康和环境最好的事情就是引领世界生产更清洁、更安全的能源,而且我们已经生产出了比以往更多的清洁能源。Thanks in part to the investments we made in the Recovery Act, the electricity America generates from wind has tripled. 《经济复苏法案》提供的投资是一个原因,有了它,我们的风力发电增长的3倍。And from the sun, its increased more than tenfold.太阳能方面,更是增长了10倍多。In fact, every four minutes, another American home or business goes solar-and every panel is pounded into place by a worker whose job cannot be shipped overseas.事实上,每4分钟,就有一个美国家庭或企业用上太阳能,而且把每一块太阳能板安装到位的工人的工作都是不能被转移到海外的。Were wasting less energy, too. 我们浪费的能源也在减少。Weve doubled how far our cars and trucks will go on a gallon of gas by the middle of the next decade, saving you money at the pump-and were helping families and businesses save billions with more efficient homes, buildings, and appliances.我们已经将汽车使用一加仑汽油的行驶里程标准在未来5年里提高一倍,以节约大家的油费出,我们还在帮助家庭和企业通过更节能的住宅、建筑和设施节约出。This strategy has created jobs, grown our economy, and helped make America more energy independent than weve been in decades-all while holding our carbon emissions to levels not seen in about 20 years. 这一策略创造了就业、促进了经济增长,帮助美国比过去10多年取得了更大的能源自主力,所有当时遏制我们碳排放的标准在未来20年都不成问题了。Its a good start. 这是一个很好的开始。But for the sake of our children, we have to do more.但为了孩子们的利益考虑,我们还需要更多努力。This week, we will. 本周,我们就将开始。Today, about 40% of Americas carbon pollution comes from power plants. 当今,有大约40%的碳排放来自发电厂。But right now, there are no national limits to the amount of carbon pollution that existing plants can pump into the air we breathe. None.但现在,还没有对现有发电厂每年可以排放到我们呼吸的空气里的碳排放总量的全国性限制标准。一点都没有。We limit the amount of toxic chemicals like mercury, sulfur, and arsenic that power plants put in our air and water. 我们限制发电厂向空气和水中排放汞、硫、砷等有毒化学物质的总量。But they can dump unlimited amounts of carbon pollution into the air. 但他们却可以无限制的向空气中排放碳污染物。Its not smart, its not safe, and it doesnt make sense.这不明智,也不安全,更没有什么道理可言。Thats why, a year ago, I directed the Environmental Protection Agency to build on the efforts of many states, cities, and companies, and come up with commonsense guidelines for reducing dangerous carbon pollution from our power plants. 因此,一年前,我指示环保署在多个州、市和众多公司努力的基础上,制定出降低发电厂排放碳污染物的基本指导意见。This week, were unveiling these proposed guidelines, which will cut down on the carbon pollution, smog, and soot that threaten the health of the most vulnerable Americans, including children and the elderly. 本周,我们推出了这些指导意见,这将减少碳污染物、烟、尘的排放,降低其对美国人民尤其是孩子和老人身心健康的威胁。In just the first year that these standards go into effect, up to 100,000 asthma attacks and 2,100 heart attacks will be avoided-and those numbers will go up from there.在未来一年,这些标准实施后,将避免超过10万人的哮喘病和2100人的心脏病发作,而且这一数字还将随着时间的推移而上升。These standards were created in an open and transparent way, with input from the business community. 这些标准的制定采取了公开透明的方式,充分融入企业和社会各界的观点。States and local governments weighed in, too. 各州和地方政府的意见也得到了充分考虑。In fact, nearly a dozen states are aly implementing their own market-based programs to reduce carbon pollution. 事实上,有超过12个州已经在实施各自的市场化的减少碳污染排放的计划。And over 1,000 mayors have signed agreements to cut their cities carbon pollution.有1000多名市长已经签署意见同意减少其所在城市的碳排放。So the idea of setting higher standards to cut pollution at our power plants is not new. 因此,为发电厂设置更高的减少碳排放标准的想法并不是新提出来的。Its just time for Washington to catch up with the rest of the country.只不过是华盛顿追赶其它地区步伐的体现。Now, special interests and their allies in Congress will claim that these guidelines will kill jobs and crush the economy. 现在,国会的特殊利益集团和他们的盟友们宣布,这些指导意见将减少就业并冲击经济发展。Lets face it, thats what they always say.让我们面对现实,这是他们一贯的理由。But every time America has set clear rules and better standards for our air, our water, and our childrens health-the warnings of the cynics have been wrong. 每当美国设定关系我们的空气、水和儿童健康的明确规定和更好的标准时,这种所谓的警告都被明是错误的。They warned that doing something about the smog choking our cities, and acid rain poisoning our lakes, would kill business. 他们警告称治理城市的雾霾,污染湖泊的酸雨会扼杀企业发展。It didnt. Our air got cleaner, acid rain was cut dramatically, and our economy kept growing.但事实并不是这样。我们的空气更清新,酸雨也显著下降,而我们的经济依然保持了增长。These excuses for inaction somehow suggest a lack of faith in American businesses and American ingenuity. 这些不作为的借口只是对美国企业和美国的创造能力缺乏信心的表现。The truth is, when we ask our workers and businesses to innovate, they do. 事实是,当我们要求我们的员工和企业去创新时,他们做到了。When we raise the bar, they meet it. 当我们提高标准时,他们达到了。When we restricted cancer-causing chemicals in plastics and leaded fuel in our cars, American chemists came up with better substitutes. 当我们严格控制塑料制品中引发癌症的化学物质含量和引导汽车能效标准的时候,美国的化学家们紧跟着找到了更好的替代品。When we phased out the gases that depleted the ozone layer, American workers built better refrigerators and air conditioners. 当我们要淘汰破坏臭氧层的气体使用时,美国的工人制造出了更好的冰箱和空调。The fuel standards we put in place a few years ago didnt cripple automakers;the American auto industry retooled, and today, theyre selling the best cars in the world, with more hybrids, plug-in, and fuel-efficient models to choose from than ever before.在美国,我们不能在经济健康发展和儿童健康发展之间做选择。老规矩说我们不能在保护环境的同时促进经济的增长,但在美国,我们总是能利用新的技术打破这些老规矩的限制。In America, we dont have to choose between the health of our economy and the health of our children. 在美国,我们不必在经济健康和我们的孩子们的健康之间取舍。The old rules may say we cant protect our environment and promote economic growth at the same time, but in America, weve always used new technology to break the old rules.老规矩说我们无法同时保护我们的环境和发展我们的经济,但是在美国,我们一直应用新技术打破这个框框。As President, and as a parent, I refuse to condemn our children to a planet thats beyond fixing.作为总统,同时作为一个父亲,我不允许我们的孩子生活在一个没有前景的星球上。The shift to a cleaner energy economy wont happen overnight, and it will require tough choices along the way.向清洁能源经济转型的过程不会一蹴而就,它需要我们一路做出艰难的选择。But a low-carbon, clean energy economy can be an engine of growth for decades to come. 但低碳的、清洁能源的经济能成为未来数十年的增长引擎。America will build that engine. 美国要着力打造这一引擎。A future thats cleaner, more prosperous, and full of good jobs-a future where we can look our kids in the eye and tell them we did our part to leave them a safer, more stable world.这是更清洁、更繁荣、充满优良就业岗位的未来,是我们可以看着孩子们的眼睛告诉他们,我们努力为他们留下了一个更安全更安稳的世界的未来。Thanks, and have a great weekend.谢谢大家,祝你们周末愉快。201406/303201

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