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2019年08月21日 16:03:59 | 作者:当当常识 | 来源:新华社
Coral in Danger危险的珊瑚Aah, snorkeling in the Great Barrier Reef–blue, clear water, magnificent coral, beautiful fish.假想潜水于大堡礁——那片蔚蓝清澈的海里,美丽的鱼儿游曳在一望无际的珊瑚里。How about cloudy water and dying coral and you have to look pretty hard to spot a fish anywhere?再想象另一番景象:污浊的水域,岌岌可危的珊瑚,连鱼儿的影子都看不到。Nobody would want to go snorkeling in waters like you just described!绝不会有人会在刚才你描述的海里潜水的。Well, we may face more problems than disappointing snorkeling vacations if we keep harming the coral reefs of the world.要是我们不停止“迫害”地球上的珊瑚,就不只是度假不能潜水的扫兴了,我们面临的问题重重。Like the loss of one quarter of all marine animals and plants?比如,1/4海洋动植物灭绝?That adds more! One example of a way were destroying coral reefs around the world is farming near reef coastlines. In the Great Barrier Reef, far off Australia, for instance, scientists studied changes in the composition of coral over time and compared that to logs recording the local flood history. Barium, a metal rich in terrestrial soil, but usually low in seawater, began to rise soon after Europeans settled the area in 1862.不仅如此。比如,人类在珊瑚礁海岸线开垦种地,这样会破坏全球珊瑚的生长。科学家曾研究澳大利亚大堡礁珊瑚成分的变化,比对当地历史上洪灾的记录。发现自1862年,欧洲人移民澳大利亚起,仅在陆地土壤中富含的金属钡的数量开始在海里上升。You mean that after the settlers moved in and tilled land for farming, from then on, when a nearby river flooded, it washed loose soil into the reefs?你的意思是移民者定居后,垦地务农,附近的涨潮将疏松的土壤冲进了大堡礁?Exactly! These sediments cloud the water, blocking out sunlight that is necessary to the coralsgrowth. In fact, when sedimentation run-off is extremely bad, it can smother the coral and kill it.没错!这些沉淀物使水变污浊,遮盖了珊瑚生长必需的阳光。事实上,沉淀量很多的话,珊瑚可能会窒息而死。Sedimentation can also introduce nutrients that lead to excess growth of green algae, which can compete with the corals for space, impeding their growth and survival.此外,沉淀物还可能供给绿藻疯长的养分,绿藻会和珊瑚竞争生存空间,抑制珊瑚的生长,甚至是存亡。And sedimentation is just one way were harming coral. If we dont take action, marine scientists predict that the majority of the coral reefs of the world will be destroyed in just 40 years.这仅仅是众多人类活动破坏珊瑚其中的一种。如果我们还不采取措施,海洋科学家预计世界上大部分珊瑚礁在40年内会灭绝。 /201208/196336But how could we do that?但是我们应该如何实现它呢?;So my inspiration was to use light. I could build a time machine based on light.;“我的灵感就是利用光。我能制造一个以光为基础的时间机器。”Doctor Mallet wants to use high energy lasers to stir the very fabric of time.马利特士想要利用高能激光器来激活时间结构。;Imagine that the skate park is my time machine and Garret is a laser beam. As Garret is moving around, he is moving the space around me and this energy of light that is causing space and time to become twisted. ;“假设滑板公园就是我的时间机器,阁楼是激光束。当阁楼四处转动时,我周围的空间和光能发生移动,因此引发时空扭曲。”;Once I understood that principle and the theory based on it, then I realized that what was necessary with the builded equipment.;“一旦我明白其中的基础原理和理论,就意识到建造这个设备什么是必要的。”Doctor Mallet first hopes to prove his concept by building a mini-time machine for subatomic particles.;马利特士开始希望通过建造一个以亚原子粒子为基础的迷你时光机器。;It would look something like cylinder with intersecting laser beams.;“那看起来像一个安装有交叉激光束的圆柱体。”The time machine itself will be small, very small.时光机器本身会非常小。;The device itself is going to have to be about the width of a human hair.;“这个装置本身的宽度必须很小,相当于人类的一根头发那么细。”Now he plans to drop a subatomic particle into the swirling vortex of light.“现在我们计划放弃亚原子粒子,改用旋涡状光束。”;What will we do is to send particles that are very short lived.;“我们要做的就是发送昙花一现的粒子。”;A millions of a second. When we send these particles in, it will change their life time and that will tell us the time has been changed.;“百万分之一秒。当我们将这些粒子发送进去,时光机器就会改变生命中的时间,并告诉我们时间已经改变。”A quantum particle may not be a human time traveler. But that doesnt discourage Doctor Mallet.人类的时间旅行可不像量子粒子那么简单。但这并没有使马利特士气馁。原文译文属!201208/196140THE race for the Republican presidential nomination has followed a consistent pattern. Every month or so a candidate emerges from the pack to threaten Mitt Romneyrsquo;s lead, only to drop back after a week or two. It used to be a new challenger each time: Michele Bachmann, Herman Cain, Rick Perry and so on. Lately, it has been the same man periodically snapping at Mr Romneyrsquo;s heels before falling behind again: Rick Santorum, a former senator from Pennsylvania. This week Mr Santorum flubbed yet another chance to overtake Mr Romney, by losing the primary in Illinois. That is great news for Mr Romney.共和党人参选总统提名的方式总是千篇一律。每个月都会从党内冒出一个会对罗姆尼的领先地位造成威胁的候选人,但只是为了一两个星期后被罗姆尼甩在身后。以前这样的候选人每每都会成为一个新的挑战:米歇尔贝克曼,赫尔曼凯因,里克派瑞等等。后来的候选人渐渐沦为定期出现的人偶,只是为了在又一次落后之前徒劳地咬住罗姆尼前进的车轮,比如宾夕法尼亚州的前议员里克桑托勒姆。本周桑托勒姆伊利诺斯州初选失利,失去了超越罗姆尼的机会。不过这对罗姆尼来说却是个好消息。After Georgia, Illinois is the biggest prize yet, accounting for 69 of 2,286 delegates to the Republican convention in August, at which the nominee will formally be selected. Mr Romney won by a big margin: 47% to 35%. Because of the complicated electoral rules in Illinois and many other states, that will bring him at least two-thirds of the delegates from the state. It also marks the first time that he has drubbed Mr Santorum in the Midwest, after narrow wins in Michigan and Ohio and defeats in Iowa and Minnesota.伊利诺斯州是继乔治亚州之后最重要的选区,在2286名参加八月举办的共和党大会的代表中,有69名都来自伊利诺斯州,届时大会将正式选出提名者。罗姆尼以47%比35%的绝对优势大获全胜。 多亏了伊利诺斯和其他州复杂的选举规则,罗姆尼将获得至少三分之二的伊利诺斯州代表的持。这也标志着在经历了密歇根,俄亥俄的险胜以及爱荷华,明尼苏达的失败之后,罗姆尼首次在中西部地区打败了桑托勒姆。Mr Santorum did his best to expand his appeal beyond the most conservative voters, talking in histrionic terms about the need for smaller government. ;This is the most important election of your lifetime,; he intoned at a rally in Peoria, the supposed navel of middle America. ;Freedom [is] at stake,; he tweeted on the morning of the primary. But he had aly fluffed his lines, appearing to suggest that the unemployment rate was not that important (compared with preserving Americarsquo;s founding principles, he meant).就冲他曾经煽情地说过缩减政府规模的必要性这一点,桑托勒姆在向保守选民施展魅力方面也算尽心尽力了。;这是你们有生之年最重要的选举;,桑托勒姆曾在美国中部的中心城市皮奥利亚的某个集会上如是说道。他曾在初选的早晨情绪激昂的说;自由就要被剥夺;。但是他说错了话,因为他曾暗示失业率并不那么重要(其实他的意思相较于死守美国的基本准则来说,失业率不太重要)Disappointingly for Mr Santorum, Peorians seemed to have faith in Mr Romneyrsquo;s ability to repair the economy. People for whom that was the most important issue voted for him overwhelmingly, according to exit polls. They also had misgivings about Mr Santorumrsquo;s emphasis on social issues. At an event he held also in Peoria, a veteran said of his fixation with abortion: ;Itrsquo;s the last thing we should care about. If we keep spending, we are going to end up like Greece.; Yet like a moth to the flame Mr Santorum keeps returning to such topics, and all the controversy that comes with them. During a speech he gave at a religious school in the Chicago suburbs, two men in the audience stood up and kissed, prompting predictable hostility from the crowd.皮奥利亚的人民抱着对桑托勒姆的失望之情转而寄希望于罗姆尼能够挽救萎靡的经济。据投票后民调显示,那些把失业率视为重中之重的人都坚定地把票投给了罗姆尼。他们同样误解了桑托勒姆强调的社会问题。在另一场皮奥利亚的集会上,一个退伍老兵表示自己持终止计划:;这是最后一件值得我们关注的事,如果我们继续挥霍,下场会和希腊一样惨。;于是桑托勒姆如飞蛾扑火一般又回到了这类话题,以及这类话题所来了种种争议上。 他曾在芝加哥郊区的一所教会学校讲话,其间两个男人从观众席里站起来拥吻,毫不意外地招来了观众的反感。Mr Romney has won over half of the delegates awarded so far. That pace, if sustained, will be more than enough to secure him the nomination outright, although probably not before the final primaries in May and June. His rivals, by contrast, would need to improve their showing dramatically, winning the lionrsquo;s share of the remaining delegates simply to deny Mr Romney outright victory. And they would have to do that in unfavourable states like Maryland, New York and California.目前罗姆尼赢得了一半多的代表持。如果这一良好态势得到保持,罗姆尼完全可以不费吹灰之力地赢得提名资格,至少在五六月的最后初选之前都没问题。相反,他的对手们要想获得余下的大部分代表持来抹杀罗姆尼的的绝对优势的话,就必须好好练练怎么做秀。他们得在马里兰,纽约和加利福尼亚这类十分难缠的选区花功夫。The prospects for the two other candidates, Newt Gingrich and Ron Paul, look hopeless; but neither of them shows any sign of being y to concede. Both Mr Paul and Mr Santorum argue that they have actually won more delegates than estimated in the caucus states. This could be true (those delegates have not actually been assigned yet), but the difference would be far too small to alter the dynamics of the race. Mr Gingrich, for his part, seems to enjoy campaigning and to bear a grudge about how Mr Romney and an allied Super PAC ended his time in the sun with cloudbursts of negative advertising.纽特金里奇和罗恩保罗这两位候选人的前景也十分黯淡。但是两个人都没有退缩的意思。保罗和桑托勒姆都认为自己实际赢得的代表人数要比决策会议上公布的多。这也不是没可能(因为那些代表还没有被指派。)但差距太小,不足以改变参选动态。金里奇似乎很喜欢参选,也很喜欢抱怨罗姆尼和同盟Super PAC是如何利用负面宣传这个晴天霹雳终结了自己阳光灿烂的的参选生涯的。Moreover, even if Mr Romneyrsquo;s nomination is in the bag barring some unexpected reversal, his position is hardly commanding. His biggest wins have tended to be in places that either vote reliably Democratic in presidential elections, such as Illinois and Massachusetts, or donrsquo;t vote at all, such as Guam and Puerto Rico (which gave him almost 90% of the vote on March 18th). He still struggles to win the support of poorer, less educated, more conservative and more religious voters. On March 24th he is likely to lose the next state to vote, Louisiana. His long, hard march to the nomination continues即使不考虑罗姆尼在提名之路遇到的未知阻碍,他也很难保持遥遥领先的位置。他大获全胜的几个州要么是伊利诺斯州和马萨诸塞州这样忠诚地把票投给民主党的地区,要么就是关岛和波多黎各这样干脆不投票的地区(在3月18号,这些地区把90%的票都投给了罗姆尼)。他仍然在努力争取那些较贫困,受教育程度较低,更保守和受宗教影响更大的选民。他似乎在3月24四日又输掉了一个州的持;;路易斯安那。对于罗姆尼来说,提名之路漫漫而修远,仍需上下求索。201203/176188

The curvature, space, the warping of spacetime.扭曲、空间、扭曲的时空。And you just, you scratch your head.你只是,你挠头不解其中奥秘。He has now been struggling for four years to more fully developed his general theory of relativity.他现在对于更完善的广义相对论已经挣扎了四年的时间。His theory of relativity is so complicated that very few people can understand it.他的相对论是如此的复杂以致于很少有人能读懂它。Somebody got to test it.而有人要测试它。Thats not a testable hypothesis. Its not science. Its science fiction.那不是一个可测试的假说。它不是科学。这是科幻小说。Einstein knows he is on the right track towards solving his theory.爱因斯坦知道他是在解决他理论的正确的轨道上。Now he must find a way to prove it. Its 1911.现在他必须找到一个方法来明这一点。而现在是1911年。For 4 frustrating years, Einstein has struggled to perfect his general theory of relativity.令人沮丧的4年,爱因斯坦曾努力完善自己的广义相对论。His theory wont be accepted until he can demonstrate this radical concept.直到他能明这一激进的观念,他的理论才会被接受。Suddenly, he is struck by an idea.突然,他有了一个主意。If he can shine a beam of light through an aera where spaces are curved.如果他能照亮通过一个弯曲空间地区的一束光。Then according to his theory, the beam of light will actually appear to bend.然后按照他的理论,光线会出现弯曲。Light only knows straight lines. Whats bent is space.光只按照直线运动。而什么是弯曲空间?What could have enough gravity to bend light so much? Well, what about the sun?可能有足够的引力弯曲光线?噢,那太阳呢?注:听力文本来源于普特201204/176906

Business商业Transport in Japan日本的交通Bullet v budget票战vs站票Can low-cost airlines beat bullet trains?低成本航空公司能击败子弹头列车吗?THE worlds busiest train route, and one of the busiest air routes, is between Tokyo and Osaka, Japans two biggest metropolitan areas.世界上最繁忙的铁路线和最繁忙的航线之一连接着日本最大的两个大都市区——东京和大阪。On that corridor, the shinkansen, as Japans bullet trains are known, were born in 1964.(就是)这样一条通道在1964年见了如日本子弹头列车一样出名的新干线系统的诞生。They whizz 120,000 passengers a day smoothly from one place to another, on trains that leave every ten minutes.每10分钟一班,该系统一天之内可以快速且流畅得将120,000名乘客送抵各自的目的地。Although humans, not robots, are at the controls, the average delay is a miraculous 36 seconds.虽然该系统由人而非机器控制,却可以将平均延迟时间控制在令人不可思议的36秒内。To take all those passengers by air would require 667 aircraft, each with 180 seats, or five times Japans fleet of Boeing 737s, estimates Macquarie, an investment bank.据一家叫做麦格理的投资估算,如果上述乘客改乘飞机,则需动用667架180座的客机,5倍于整个日本的波音737保有量。Undeterred, between March and August three low-cost airlines will have started operations in Japan.即便如此,这仍未吓倒将于3月到8月份在日投入运营的三家低成本航空公司。It would be a miracle if they could help hammer down train and plane fares in Japan, which are excruciating.若其能冲击到日本高的离谱的火车和飞机票价的话,那(无疑)将会是个奇迹。For example, a one-way shinkansen ticket from Tokyo to Osaka costs ¥14,000 (0), and there are no discounts for return fares or for booking early.例如,一张东京到大阪的新干线单程票价为14,000日元(0),并且往返票和提起订票均不打折。But compared with Europe and other parts of Asia, where budget airlines have quickly gained market share, in Japan the low-cost model is expected to take time to take off.但与被低成本航空公司迅速抢占市场份额的欧洲和其他亚洲国家相比,日本廉价运输模式的施行还需时日。There are three main reasons for that, analysts say. First, all three newcomers have established parents.分析师们认为主要原因有三:一,即将投入运营的三家航空公司均有各自的母公司。Peach, which started flying in March, and Air Asia Japan, which starts in August, are part-owned by ANA, one of Japans two main carriers.分别于3月份和8月份营业的Peach和Air Asia Japan 的股东中均有ANA(日本最大的两家运输公司之一)的影子。Jetstar Japan, which launches operations in July, is one-third owned by Japan Airlines (JAL).Japan Airlines (JAL)持有Jetstar Japan(将于7月份投入运营)三分之一的股份。Such ties have usually hobbled low-cost airlines elsewhere: incumbents hate to cannibalise their own business.像这种关系通常会阻碍其他地方低成本航空公司的的发展:虎毒不食子。(Australia, where Qantas owns Jetstar, is an exception.) Analysts say the upstarts will thrive only if ANA and JAL step out of their way, letting them shake up the domestic tourist market.(作为澳洲Jetstar母公司的Qantas除外)分析师们还认为,除非ANA 和 JAL让出场子,即将登台的新贵们才有可能在国内旅游市场的舞台上大显身手。The big boys could then concentrate on long-haul and business travel.也好让诸位前辈(更好地)专注于长途和商务旅行上面。Second, the budget airlines may struggle to make similar profits to their lucrative low-cost counterparts in other countries because, despite deregulation, airport costs and fuel taxes in Japan remain among the highest in the world.其次,与其他国家的同行相比,尽管日本的低成本航空公司不受政府直接管制,但高居世界前列的机场建设费和燃油税却使他们难以企及其他国家同行们的高盈利能力。That could limit expansion, though Jetstar Japan is boldly aiming for 100 aircraft by the end of the decade, up from three at its launch.即使从3架飞机起家的Jetstar Japan将目标大胆得订为10年内实现100架飞机保有量,但依然改变不了上述困境限制航空公司扩张的事实。Third, it will be hard to convince finicky Japanese passengers that low fares make up for the lack of comfort and convenience they are used to.第三,推行低廉票价难免降低早已被日本民众所习惯的乘坐舒适和便利程度,然而说这些挑剔的乘客接受这一点却并不容易。Jetstar and Air Asia are using Narita airport as their hub, which is expensive and time-consuming to get to from Tokyo.兼做Jetstar和Air Asia航空港的成田机场不仅租金昂贵,而且与东京之间的交通不便。The main carriers use Haneda, which is closer to the capital and cheaper. The shinkansen zoom out of the city centre, with no reservations needed.主要运输公司以Haneda作为航空港,该港不仅离首都更近而且租金更便宜,毕竟时时都有新干线列车从Haneda市中心风驰而出。Miyuki Suzuki, the boss of Jetstar Japan, says her companys strategy is to use low fares to persuade people to make trips they would otherwise not have made at all.Jetstar Japan的老总Miyuki Suzuki说依她执掌的公司战略来看,如果票价降低,人们就可能做一些他们以前压根就不会做的旅行。More tourists, she hopes, will start visiting Japans most far-flung islands. She says she will not go head-to-head with the shinkansen (though her airline will fly between Tokyo and Osaka).她希望有更多的游客光顾偏远的日本岛屿,并且表示将不会与新干线正面交锋(虽然该公司也运营东京到大阪的航线)。Peach and Air Asia Japan have their sights not only on domestic flights but also on the route between Tokyo and Seoul, the nearest foreign capital.Peach 和Air Asia Japan的业务不仅涉及日本国内航空,还包括一条东京到首尔(离东京最近的外国首都)的航线。They may be eyeing the East Asian market, where low-cost penetration lags behind the rest of Asia.并且因为东亚低成本航空业务不及亚洲其他地区,因此他们可能会进军该市场。Alas, none of Japans new budget carriers is expected to be as cut-throat as low-cost carriers elsewhere.不幸的是,日本没有一家新的特价航空公司像其他地区的同行一样极具竞争力。Ms Suzuki says Jetstar Japan will allow its passengers to book through travel agents, which are still ubiquitous, as well as online.Suzuki女士说Jetstar Japan的乘客既可以从无处不在的售票中介那里购票,也可以选择网购。;This is Japan,; she says, with a sympathetic air unusual for a budget-airline boss. ;Its not all going to be self-service.;她以一种同行老总很少表露的同情的语气说道:;这是在日本,不是所有的机票都会实自助售卖。; /201210/205659

Obituary;Fred Halliday;讣告;弗瑞德·韩礼德;Fred Halliday, demystifier of the Middle East, died on April 26th, aged 64中东的解密者——弗瑞德·韩礼德,4月26日逝世,享年64岁A crush of 500 listeners waited apprehensively as, ill and moving slowly, Fred Halliday came up to speak about Iran. The occasion, in February , was the 30th anniversary of Ayatollah Khomeinis takeover. The place was the London School of Economics, where for 24 years Mr Halliday was professor of international politics, concentrating on the Middle East.当病中的弗瑞德·韩礼德慢慢地走上讲台作关于伊朗的演讲时,等待中挤作一团的500名听众都有些担心。这是年二月的一天,阿亚图拉·霍梅尼掌权30周年的纪念日。地点是在伦敦经济学院——过去的24年里,韩礼德先生在这里任国际政治系的教授,他的研究专注于中东问题。Yet for close on 90 minutes he held his audience spellbound. He told them that social conflict, not religious fervour, had provoked the Iranian revolution; that conflict persisted, and the regime was not likely to crack. He spoke with learning, humour and passion. At the end, his audience rose to applaud as for a piano virtuoso.在近九十分钟的演讲里,听众们听得如痴如醉。他讲到,激起伊朗革命的,是社会冲突,而不是宗教狂热;这样的冲突仍在持续,而政权不像要垮台。他的演讲充满了学识、幽默和。演讲结束时,观众们像对待钢琴大师般齐身站起,为他鼓掌。As an interpreter of the Middle East, Mr Hallidays talents overflowed. He spoke Arabic and Persian, as well as French, German, Spanish and Russian. He knew the history and cultures of the countries he wrote about. More than anything, he knew people. His London students, once back home in Cairo, Baghdad or Tehran, rose to high positions in government and business. His contacts were a foreign correspondents envy, as well as a boon to the LSEs fund-raisers.作为中东的解说人,韩礼德先生才华横溢。他会讲阿拉伯语、波斯语、法语、德语、西班牙语和俄语。他熟知他写到的国家的历史文化。更重要的是,他认识很多人。他在伦敦的学生,一旦回到开罗、巴格达或者德黑兰,都能在政界和商界位居高职。他的关系网使驻外记者们嫉妒,然而也是伦敦经济学院募捐者们的一大幸事。His learning came not only from books but from bars and cafés. He travelled, listened and argued. He had a thesaurus of political jokes, collected over years, at the expense of Baathists, Islamists, nationalists, imperialists, Palestinians, Israelis, everyone. He could be superbly rude to peddlers of cliché and to plausible-sounding simplifiers. With a tilt of the head and an ironic smile he could give a friendly tease or a devastating “Come off it.” Students adored him.他的学识不仅来自于书本,也来自于酒吧和咖啡馆。通过云游四海,耳听八方,舌战群儒,他有了满腹的政治笑话,其对象包括叙利亚社会党人、伊斯兰教主义者、民族主义者、帝国主义者、巴勒斯坦人、以色列人等几乎所有人。对待陈词滥调的兜售者以及似乎言之可信的简化论者,他能表现出一种精绝伦的粗鲁态度。带着嘲讽的微笑歪一歪脑袋,他可能友好的戏弄他们或者来一句极具杀伤力的“您就歇歇吧”。学生们都很喜欢他。Middle Eastern studies suffered, in his view, from three faults. One was “mappism”. Behind handy diplomatic counters marked on maps “Iran”, “Iraq” or “Saudi Arabia” he saw poorly understood societies that were complex and shifting. He had no patience, secondly, with efforts, particularly in the ed States, to illuminate the region from the armchair with mathematical models and theorising (“all this meta-stuff”). He thought, thirdly, that the cold war had led everyone, Middle Easterners included, to exaggerate the influence of outsiders. The regions problems, he insisted, lay in the region more than in Moscow, Washington or the colonial past. Such views are now commonplace. They were not when Mr Halliday began.在他看来,中东问题的研究困难重重,有三方面的原因。一是“地图主义”。在作为好用的外交棋子而被标在地图上的“伊朗”、“伊拉克”或“沙特阿拉伯”的背后,他看到的是未被充分了解的复杂、多变的社会。其次,他无法忍受(尤其是在美国)在扶手椅上努力地用数学模型和理论来阐述该地区(所有这些形而上的东西)注[1]。然后是他认为冷战使得包括中东人在内的所有人夸大了局外人的影响力。他坚持认为,中东的问题更多是在自己,而不是莫斯科、华盛顿或者殖民主义的过去。这样的观点现在已经是老生常谈了,可在韩礼德先生提出来那会儿,却是新鲜的事情。In a world of doctrines and positions, he was impossible to box. A stickler for meanings, he liked to be called not internationalist, but cosmopolitan. His mother was an Irish Catholic, his father an English Methodist-Quaker. He grew up in Ireland close to the border with the north. He was schooled in that least national of faiths, Catholicism, and tempted by the priesthood for a while. But at Oxford University he was drawn to a different universal message, that of Karl Marx. Instead of taking a fellowship, he joined the New Left Review.在一个充满教条和立场的世界里,他很难进行驳斥。作为一个在意义上一丝不苟的人,他希望自己被称作世界主义者,而不是国际主义者。他的母亲是爱尔兰人,一个罗马天主教徒;他的父亲是英国人,一个卫理公会和贵格会教徒。他在爱尔兰靠近北部边境的地方长大。他接受的是受民族主义影响最小的天主教的信仰教育,并且曾被牧师这一行当所吸引。然而在牛津大学,他的兴趣转向了一个不同的普世理论——马克思主义。他没有领取什么学术奖金,而是加入了《新左派》。Explaining bin Laden诠释本·拉登He stayed until 1983. He marched against the Vietnam war, summered at a student work camp in Cuba and trekked with Dhofari guerrillas, who were fighting the British-trained soldiers of the Sultan of Oman. At another time, a brainy left-winger interested in foreign affairs might well have entered the Labour Party and become foreign secretary or secretary of defence. Mr Halliday chose a stonier path.他于1983年退出《新左派》。他参加过反对越战的游行,曾在古巴的一个学生作业营地避暑,曾与佐法尔的游击队员一起长途跋涉(这些游击队员当时正与阿曼地区受过英国人训练的苏丹士兵交锋)。在另一些时候,一位对外交事务感兴趣的足智多谋的左派分子或许会加入工党,成为外相或国防大臣。而韩礼德先生选择了一条更为崎岖的道路。In the early 1980s he began a winding journey away from the radical left. It was not a prodigals return to neoconservatism, from one simplicity to another. He looked for a less dogmatic politics that combined liberal values, respect for human rights and social equity. He hoped the space for such a social-democratic outlook existed in regions he knew best, beyond Europe and the ed States. He was too shrewd to believe that it must exist. He was nevertheless withering with anyone who claimed that the persistence of autocratic and theocratic attitudes meant that it could not exist. As with God and Marx before, he thought of political values as universal.十九世纪八十年代早期,他开始了一次曲折的旅程,离开了激进的左派。这并不是浪子回头般的回到新保守主义,从一个简单的主义换到另一个。他是在寻求一种教条主义更少的、结合了自由主义价值观的、尊重人权和社会公平的政治。他希望这一社会民主主义的愿景能够存在于欧洲和美国之外他最了解的地区。他到是不至于愚蠢到相信那一定会存在。然而,他鄙视任何声称独裁和神权政治的留存即意味着该政治理念不可能存活的人。就像先前对于上帝和马克思一样,他认为政治观点也具有普世价值。He also favoured outside intervention to rid people of oppressors. A Soviet-backed regime was preferable to the Taliban in Afghanistan, and he blamed the ed States for creating a seedbed for Islamist terror there. “Bin Laden”, he said, “is the illegitimate child of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.” He was for removing Saddam Hussein, though he thought the occupiers recklessly ill prepared. To the enemies this earned him on the left, he retorted: “The future of humanity does not lie in the back streets of Fallujah.”他同样持以外部干预的方式使被压迫的人民摆脱暴君的统治。对付阿富汗的塔利班组织,一个有苏维埃持的政权更可取;他也谴责美国在阿富汗制造了伊斯兰恐怖主义的温床。“本·拉登”,他说,“是罗纳德·里根和玛格丽特·撒切尔的私生子”。他站在推翻萨达姆·侯赛因的一方,然而他认为占领军的准备糟糕鲁莽。他的反对者指出他又回到了左派阵营,他则反驳道:“人道主义的未来不是位于费卢杰的偏僻街道里。”Mr Halliday published more than 20 books. Ranging wide, he was not always right or consistent. He probably underplayed the force of faith in politics. Yet he had a nose for looming trouble, as his choice of travel spots in the 1970s attests: Cyprus, Yemen, Iran, Afghanistan. He grasped the social instabilities of the Middle East, and sensed that they would burst out in new ways once the cold war ended. Diplomats and politicians, including Tony Blair, were glad of his advice.韩礼德先生出版了二十多本书。范围广泛,他并不是一贯正确或者始终前后一致。他或许没有充分表达出政治中信仰的力量,然而他对麻烦的迫近却很有远见,这从他七十年代在旅游地点的选择上就能看出:塞浦路斯、也门、伊朗和阿富汗。他预见到了中东的社会动荡,意识到了一旦冷战结束,他们可能会以新的形势爆发。外交官和政客们(包括托尼·布莱尔)都很乐意听到他的建议。Looking for a tidy th in Mr Hallidays views may be mistaken. His achievement was to be a personal bridge. He introduced Westerners to Middle Easterners who were neither hostile nor exotic, but hoped for the same things and treasured the same values as they did.若想在韩礼德先生的观点中找到一条清晰的脉络,那你就错了。他的成就是成为了一座个人桥梁。他将西方人介绍给既不排外也不崇洋的中东人,但却和他们有着同样的希望,珍视着同样的价值观。 /201210/204111

Theoretically the federal reserve is independent of the president and the executive branch of government, but president do appoint the chairman of the fed, so it matters to you and your money who sits in that seat. Alan Blinder is a professor of economics at Princeton University, he is a former federal reserve vice chairman, thank you for joining us, sir, its good to see you, lets talk about Ben Bernankes fed, has it have more influence on our economy? Has this fed have more influence on our market and economy than the feds mission would dictate that it has?理论上,美联储独立于总统和行政政府机构,这一职位却是由美国总统任命的。因此,到底谁来做这个座子?这可事关重大,事关口袋中的钱。艾伦#8226;布林德是普林斯顿大学的一名经济学教授,美联储前副主席,感谢您参加我们的栏目,很高兴看到您。让我们谈一谈伯克南的美联储,是否对美国的经济产生了重大影响?美联储对市场和经济的影响是否比美联储使命所赋予它的还要大?Well, thats a hard question to answer, you know because the feds mission is to promote maximum employment and stable prices, as you just said the price level the inflation rate has been very stable over the Bernanke era as it was in the later part of Greenspan era, the fed has been working overtime so to speak both figuratively and literally on its employment mandate and it still is, whats clear is its been very activist by historical standard absolutely.嗯,这是一个很难回答的问题,因为美联储的使命是促成实现最大就业以及稳定物价。如您所说,在伯克南在任时期,物价水平,通货膨胀率已经非常稳定了,如同格林斯潘时代后期。由于美联储一直以来的努力工作,无论从数字上还是从实际上来说,而且从绝对意义的历史标准上看,很清楚,其就业政策相当激进。When you say activist you know some people call mission creep other say that its doing that because it has the effectiveness, its able to do it where congress doesnt do it, whats your sense on should congress be doing more of the work the fed is trying to achieve?当您说激进时,有人称其为“使命偏离”还有人认为美联储这样做是因为这种政策有效,美联储有能力这么做,然而国会没有能力。对于美联储正在努力实现的目标,国会是否应该承担更多工作?对于这一问题,您如何看待?Congress should be doing more of the work the fed is trying to achieve, look, the reason the fed has been pulling so many different levers over the last several years is that its interest its normal weapon the short term interest rates, the federal fund rates hit virtually zero all the way back in December 2008, at that point the Bernanke fed could have said we give up, we are closing up shop, thats all we can do, I think that would be a huge mistake, or it could try to look for other things it can do, such as this various quantitative easing and other things that the fed has put into effect, thats the course it took, i think thats the right course, it doesnt mean you cut every little detail always, but it was basically the right course, and frankly the job might have been a little easier or might a lot easier if congress was more cooperative, i dont mean cooperative with the fed, I mean more cooperative with the president and getting things done such as for example the jobs act the president proposed a year ago and other things like that, rather than letting this thing go or basically leaving it to Ben Bernanke.对于美联储正在努力实现的目标,国会应该承担更多工作。原因在于,美联储在过去几年采取了各种手段,其中最常用的武器就是利率,短期利率,联邦基金利率一路降到2008年12月的零利率。在这一程度上,伯克南美联储本来可以说,放弃吧,我们把该关的商店都关了,这就是我们所能做的了。我认为那样做的话,将是一个大错误。或许它还可能做些能做的其他事情。比如各种定量宽松政策以及美联储已经采取的其他各项措施。这就是美联储这几年所选择的道路,我认为这是一条方向正确的道路,它不仅仅意味着你总是关闭小型零售店,而是因为它大体上是正确的方向。坦白地说,如果国会更加合作,就业情况会有一些好转,或者许多好转。我不说国会与美联储合作,我是说国会与总统更加合作,以推进诸如总统一年前提议的工作法案以及其他类似法案,而不是置之不理,基本上留给伯南克处理。201211/210222

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